Al Qaeda-linked militants in Mali are curbing their brutality in seized territory, shifting from threats and violence to a more administrative role, residents and experts say. The meetings have become routine: every few months, jihadists from Jama'at Nusrat Al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) summon villagers to a mud-brick mosque to collect taxes on crops and cattle, then distribute food, medicine, and animals to the poor.
Change in Tactics
Five years ago, the same militants threatened to slit the throat of anyone who questioned their interpretation of Islam, recalls Amadou, a herder in Poutchi village by the Niger River. "Now, they don't talk like that," he said, describing how they focus more on spreading their religious message without threats. "The dynamic has really changed."
JNIM, formed in 2017 and pledged to Al-Qaeda, spent a decade imposing itself through fear across the Sahel. Initially confined to desert hideouts, it gained strength after Mali's junta expelled French and UN soldiers in 2020 and turned to Russian mercenaries. In April 2026, JNIM demonstrated its power by attacking Bamako's airport, killing the defense minister, and seizing army bases with Tuareg-led separatists.
Softening Rhetoric
Despite high-profile attacks, residents in JNIM-controlled areas report a shift: militants now assume administrative roles, resolve land disputes, allow aid groups, and let government employees visit relatives. "The stronger they have become, the less brutal they have to be," said Corinne Dufka, a Sahel expert. She noted a combination of coercion, fear, and persuasion, with many villagers accepting the new reality.
Bilal Ag Cherif, leader of the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA), which allied with JNIM, observed "positive changes" such as openness to local Islam and calls for an inclusive Mali. He said the FLA encourages JNIM to cut ties with Al-Qaeda and focus locally, though the group aims to oust Russian troops and Mali's junta.
Residents' Perspectives
Residents describe JNIM's rule as more predictable and less corrupt than the military's. "Since JNIM has controlled the area, we are safe," said Aminata from Birga-Peul, where JNIM took over in 2017. "They are tolerant and turn a blind eye to many things, like football and Android phones." However, blockades persist: in Diafarabe, a resident said 13 children and 40 adults died from lack of food and medicine after a year-long blockade.
Mali's government rejects dialogue with JNIM, calling them lawless terrorists. Foreign Minister Abdoulaye Diop stated in May 2026 that the government does not intend to engage with groups responsible for tragic events. Russia's Ministry of Defense did not respond to requests for comment.
Governance Amid Violence
JNIM remains capable of massacres, killing 12 in a January attack and 50 in two villages in May. Yet residents report less abuse than from the army, which has killed more civilians than jihadists over two years, per ACLED data. "People have more faith in them, and it's a good relationship," said Amadou, noting that army abuse drives young men to join JNIM.
