PPP Emerges as Largest Party in Gilgit-Baltistan Election 2026
After multiple delays, the Gilgit-Baltistan general election was finally conducted on 7 June 2026. According to official figures, more than 963,000 registered voters, including approximately 560,000 men and 390,000 women, exercised their democratic right to elect representatives to the Gilgit-Baltistan General Assembly. The electoral cycle witnessed the participation of around 403 candidates across 24 constituencies under the framework of the Election Act 2017. The electorate cast their votes based on diverse considerations, including political loyalty, family influences, sectarian affiliations, ethnic identities, progressive thinking and perceptions of candidates’ competence.
With the completion of both pre-polling and polling phases, citizens have entrusted their chosen representatives with renewed hopes for political responsiveness, socio-economic development and institutional reforms. However, the most consequential phase of the electoral process often begins after the ballots have been counted. The central question revolves around government formation and the composition of the new cabinet.
Federal Power Dynamics Shape Government Formation
Historically, political developments in GB have remained closely intertwined with federal power dynamics, whereby the ruling party at the centre has generally succeeded in forming the government. The political landscape of the 2026 general election presents a more complex scenario. PPP emerged as the largest political party in terms of seats secured, winning nearly twice as many constituencies as the ruling PML-N party at the federal level. Simultaneously, a new political actor, the Istehkam-e-Pakistan Party (IPP), despite failing to secure a direct electoral victory in any constituency, was able to reach a deal with four independently elected candidates to join its fold.
However, it would be analytically incomplete to view electoral competition in GB solely through the prism of democratic participation. The region continues to operate within a highly bureaucratised administrative structure and the heavy-handedness of law enforcement agencies, where mainstream political parties will always dominate the region’s electoral space and form governments. Consequently, a critical question persists: will the new cabinet genuinely advance grassroots political empowerment and participatory governance, or will it continue to perceive the region through the lens of national power politics, strategic utility, electoral expansion, patronage and resource control?
Constitutional Limbo and Patronage Politics
As Afzal Shigri argues, the people of GB take part in the electoral process and form governments, yet the substantive instruments of authority remain beyond their control. This phenomenon can be attributed to the tendency of mainstream political parties to preserve their influence through patronage-based political structures, reliance on local elites dependent upon federal authority, avoidance of genuine constitutional and political issues, and expansion of bureaucratic structures that cultivate political loyalties. Consequently, this arrangement has resulted in the emergence of nominal legislators entrusted with limited local matters, while strategic decisions, constitutional questions, resource frameworks and fiscal dependency are controlled from somewhere else.
Meanwhile, indigenous political forces remain largely marginalised and have consistently failed to secure meaningful electoral representation across constituencies. Beyond the constitutional predicament, the region continues to confront unending governance and developmental challenges since its accession to Pakistan in 1947. The local people did not liberate the region from the Dogras merely to become subjects of another centralised and quasi-colonial statecraft. The overwhelming pro-Pakistan sentiments demonstrated during the freedom struggle reflected the aspiration to join a newly born Islamic state that would guarantee constitutional recognition, political inclusion and democratic rights. Seventy-eight years have passed, yet the region continues to be administered through a colonial-era state apparatus that has perpetuated political exclusion, limited local autonomy and exploitation of local resources.
Five Critical Sectors Demanding Immediate Attention
Now, it is imperative to transform the crisis-prone region into a model of sustainable development and effective governance. The newly elected leadership must rise above political rivalries to collectively pursue the socio-economic advancement and welfare of the region. Apart from education and health, five major sectors demand the immediate attention of the newly constituted Legislative Assembly.
Climate Crisis
Foremost among these is the climate crisis, to which the region remains highly vulnerable. Recurring GLOFs, flash floods and river erosion annually devastate valleys, damage infrastructure, destroy agricultural land and inflict substantial losses on livestock assets. Therefore, climate adaptation policies must be revised and deeply connected with ground realities through meaningful community participation and indigenous knowledge integration.
Energy Crisis
Secondly, the region faces a severe energy crisis. Despite possessing an estimated hydropower potential of approximately 40,000 MW, residents continue to endure electricity outages extending up to fifteen hours daily. Addressing this crisis requires a comprehensive and integrated policy that will also reduce dependency on fossil fuels and accelerate the transition towards a diversified clean energy mix. Most importantly, projects should not be politicised, as evidenced in the case of the Gwari power projects.
Weak Land Governance
Thirdly, weak land governance remains a persistent challenge. Local communities are increasingly entangled in land disputes and struggle for the right of Haq-e-Malkiyat. Large-scale land expropriation and an accumulative developmental model have further restricted community access to communal land, shamilat and high-altitude pastures. Revised land reforms must be introduced to address the concerns and reservations regarding the current proposed land reform bill.
Constitutional Empowerment
Moreover, the question of Haq-e-Hakmiyat should not remain confined to electoral rhetoric. Since 1947, the region has been in constitutional limbo and alienated from mainstream politics. Until the resolution of the Kashmir issue, the region should be granted political empowerment and legislative autonomy.
Infrastructure Deficits
Lastly, the region’s poor infrastructure has challenged not only the tourism industry but also local entrepreneurship and everyday socio-economic activity. In particular, the deteriorating condition of the Juglot-Skardu Road (JSR) has caused significant economic losses and numerous fatalities. The newly elected representatives must prioritise infrastructure upgradation and connectivity reforms as a collective agenda.
Youth Leadership and Future Resistance
The region is witnessing a new era of political transformation; well-educated, politically conscious and digitally connected youth leadership has entered mainstream politics. If the region’s substantive challenges continue to be overshadowed by symbolic politics, strong resistance will likely emerge that will overthrow the existing political legitimacy, demanding accountability, empowerment and meaningful governance reforms.
Ijlal Haider
The writer is an MPhil scholar at the National Institute of Pakistan Studies, QAU Islamabad. He can be reached at ijlalhaider@nips.qau.edu.pk
